February 28, 2008 9:43 am ET
M E M O R A N D U M
To: Interested parties
From: Karl Frisch, Media Matters for America
Re: Media Advance Myth of McCain as Lobbyist Foe
Date: Thursday, February 28, 2008
In light of increased coverage of Sen. John McCain ties to Washington lobbyists -- some of which has depicted him as a "maverick" feared by lobbyists and representatives of special interests -- Media Matters for America thought it might be helpful to provide you with some information regarding McCain's reliance on lobbyists for campaign support as he conducts his presidential campaign. For example:
McCain's reliance on lobbyist fundraisers, which according to Public Citizen includes 59 former and current lobbyist bundlers, follows a multi-year effort by McCain of "reaching out to K Street to strengthen his national fundraising network" (The Hill, 3/8/06).
A June 2007 Huffington Post report by Tom Edsall on lobbyist staff and advisers to McCain found that while "lobbyists are playing key roles in both Democratic and Republican bids ... all the campaigns pale in comparison to McCain's, whose rhetoric stands in sharp contrast to his conduct."
More detailed descriptions of Media Matters' research on the myth of McCain as a lobbyist foe are below:
Media advance myth of McCain as lobbyist foe
The media have long perpetuated a myth of Sen. John McCain as a straight-talking maverick who is feared by lobbyists and representatives of special interests. Media Matters for America has identified recent examples of media figures promoting just this image of McCain as hostile to lobbyists, and feared and disliked by them. However, the reality is very different. Even before the start of his current campaign, McCain was reportedly "court[ing]" lobbyists in preparation for a presidential run. The Hill reported on March 8, 2006, that "lobbyists say that McCain has been reaching out to K Street to strengthen his national fundraising network." The Hill also reported that "prominent lobbyists" say McCain was engaged in "a quiet effort by his political team to court inside-the-Beltway donors and fundraisers in preparation for a possible 2008 presidential run." In a February 3, 2007, National Journal article (retrieved from Nexis), Peter H. Stone and James A. Barnes reported that McCain and Mitt Romney are "working overtime to line up influential allies on K Street who can deliver supporters and campaign cash," citing as examples that on "January 22, David Girard-diCarlo, the chairman of Blank Rome, which is headquartered in Pennsylvania, escorted McCain to Pittsburgh and Harrisburg to meet with influential donors and fundraisers. And on January 31, the senator attended a Capitol Hill luncheon at the Monocle restaurant that drew two dozen trade association leaders and potential allies." Stone and Barnes added that in "2005, then-Sen. George Allen of Virginia generated a lot of enthusiasm among GOP lobbyists. By the middle of last year, however, Allen's allure had ebbed, and many GOP clout merchants began to see McCain as their best shot to hold the White House in 2008."
According to Public Citizen, which also recently defended McCain on the basis of his congressional record, McCain's campaign has more current and former lobbyist bundlers -- lobbyists who raise money by pooling donations from themselves and others -- than any other candidate. Further, according to Huffington Post political editor and former Washington Post reporter Thomas Edsall, McCain has more current and former lobbyists on staff or as advisers than any other presidential campaign. Media Matters has also found numerous McCain staffers or advisers who were registered to lobby Congress as of year-end 2007 or were previously lobbyists.
Nonetheless, the media persist in advancing the image of McCain as anti-lobbyist. In a February 7 Wall Street Journal article (subscription required), reporters Jackie Calmes and Alex Frangos wrote that "party maverick" McCain has had "well-publicized battles with industry lobbyists" that "endear him to voters disgusted by the clout of special interests in Washington -- a sentiment that runs strong in this election year. That national reputation also meant Mr. [Mitt] Romney fell flat in his attempts to tar the senator as a Washington insider." Calmes and Frangos added that "in late 2006, his run-ins with Washington establishment types were a hindrance, not a help," and quoted Republican strategist John Feehery asserting that McCain "is not well-beloved by the lobbying world, to say the least, and he's used that to his advantage." On the February 21 edition of CBS' The Early Show, host Harry Smith failed to identify McCain's campaign manager Rick Davis as a former lobbyist, and left unchallenged his assertion that McCain is "probably most feared by every lobbyist in this town of Washington." The Washington Times' Wesley Pruden, in a February 22 column, referred to McCain as "the scourge of K Street."
By contrast, a February 22 Washington Post article by staff writers Michael D. Shear and Jeffrey H. Birnbaum reported that "virtually every one" of McCain's "closest advisers" "was part of the Washington lobbying culture he has long decried."
McCain, lobbyists, and fundraising
Two of the co-chairmen of McCain's national finance committee were registered to lobby Congress as of year-end 2007 (the latest disclosure data available), and a third previously lobbied Congress. (Note: Media Matters queried disclosure reports filed with the Senate Office of Public Records under the Lobbying Disclosure Act; for example, Media Matters searched 'Berman, Wayne' under "Lobbyists" / "lobbyist name." In some cases, permanent links to year-end 2007 disclosure reports are not available and a link to the searchable database is instead provided):
The Houston Chronicle reported on April 30, 2007, that Loeffler has "built a multimillion-dollar lobbying operation" with clients that have "included AT&T, the National Association of Broadcasters, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the Port of Houston, Southwest Airlines and Toyota Motor Co. Loeffler's firm also has represented the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on trade issues." The Chronicle added that Loeffler's "role as a lobbyist with influential clients such as drug manufacturers and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia may pose a political liability for McCain." A February 8 Politico article reported that Loeffler's "lobbying firm has made millions inserting earmarks into spending bills."
McCain, lobbyists, and campaign staff and advisers
In a June 23, 2007, item at The Huffington Post, Edsall reported that McCain's campaign has "11 current or former lobbyists working for or advising McCain, at least double the number in any other [presidential] campaign." Edsall also wrote that while "lobbyists are playing key roles in both Democratic and Republican bids ... all the campaigns pale in comparison to McCain's, whose rhetoric stands in sharp contrast to his conduct." Similarly, the Post's Shear and Birnbaum wrote that "the fact that lobbyists are essentially running his presidential campaign -- most of them as volunteers -- seems to some people to be at odds with his anti-lobbying rhetoric."
Indeed, a Media Matters review of media reports, nonprofit interest group reports, federal lobbyist databases, and campaign releases on McCain's website identified numerous McCain staffers or advisers who were registered to lobby Congress as of year-end 2007 or had previously been lobbyists. In addition to national finance committee co-chairmen Berman, Loeffler, and Courter, they include:
Additionally, McCain's campaign staff and advisers include at least two individuals who are registered to lobby state governments in 2008, and one individual who was last registered to lobby a state government in 2006:
McCain, lobbyists, and his 2000 presidential campaign
McCain also routinely associated with lobbyists during his bid for the presidency in 2000, relying on lobbyists and former lobbyists to staff and advise his campaign and to engage in fundraising. Indeed, The Wall Street Journal reported on February 4, 2000, that "the McCain campaign is crawling with lobbyists ... raising money for Mr. McCain's campaign, helping him formulate policies and representing well-heeled clients in Washington." The Journal added: "Of every $10 the McCain campaign raised last year, $1 came from the Washington area or from political action committees, a bigger ratio than that at the Bush, Gore or Bradley campaigns."
From the February 21 edition of CBS' The Early Show:
SMITH: Joining us now is John McCain's campaign manager, Rick Davis. Good morning, sir.
DAVIS: Good morning, Harry.
SMITH: This article seems to imply, but doesn't flat out say, that Senator McCain had an affair with Vicki Iseman. You want to respond to that?
DAVIS: Yeah, I mean, this is like the worst kind of tabloid journalism on the front page of The New York Times. And we deplored it last night. We're going to push back today. We think it's unfair, unjust, and inaccurate, and I think The New York Times has a lot to explain for.
You said it best, all these things are implications -- two unnamed sources and no facts in the article. If anything, they try and drudge [sic] up all the old Keating Five stuff, 20 years old, to try and legitimatize [sic] what's nothing more than a tabloid story.
SMITH: Let me ask you this, though. Because The Washington Post also reports in the paper this morning that Senator McCain's staffers tried at some point to deny Miss Iseman access to the senator's office or try to encourage the senator not to see her. Can you deny that?
DAVIS: You know, it's right out of The New York Times piece. And what they did in The New York Times is they claim unnamed people indicated that that was the case, but John McCain's own chief of staff, Mark Salter, said it never was the case. So, somebody who's quoted and willing to put themselves on the line says, "No way," but The New York Times, picked up by The Washington Post -- and by the way, many other newspapers across the country -- print basically the fabrication from the Times.
SMITH: All right. Maybe the most significant allegations in this, though, is that Miss Iseman is, in fact, a lobbyist. She's a partner in an important firm. McCain has flown on some of her clients' private jets. And the notion here is that because she had extraordinary access to him, that he, in fact, tried to influence legislation on her clients' behalf.
DAVIS: I agree, Harry, that that is the most outrageous thing because they show absolutely no evidence of anything that he ever did for this lobbyist. And ironically, they take the man who is probably most feared by every lobbyist in this town of Washington, the man who's never done a favor for a lobbyist or a special interest, a man who has authored the ethics legislation, gone after the Jack Abramoffs of the world and really set the standard for ethical behavior in this town, and without one shred of evidence, after talking to dozens of his former staffers, all of whom said this was not the case, didn't name a single one of them or even reference their interviews.
SMITH: Did Senator McCain directly contact Bill Keller, the editor of The New York Times, to try to get him to not run this?
DAVIS: No, he never even tried to get him to not run it. He contacted Bill Keller because their journalists, the four mentioned earlier in your article, were running around town, spreading this gossip to try and see what they could dredge up, and it was inappropriate and unprofessional behavior by The New York Times. And what John McCain called, is that that was what he was calling about. He's never tried to influence an article, never tried to plant a question. I mean, John McCain has spent his entire career on the back of that bus having a dialogue with journalists. Everybody knows it. He's the most successful politician in America. And yet, you know, they try to run a story that basically is full of innuendo and implications.
SMITH: All right, we shall see. Rick Davis, thank you very much for your time this morning.
DAVIS: Thank you.
From Pruden's February 22 column in The Washington Times:
If John McCain doesn't send a couple of cases of Budweiser over to the New York Times, he's an ingrate. Bill Keller, this Bud's for you.
Nobody on the right believes the story, printed yesterday in Manhattan's juiciest tabloid, that Mr. McCain carried on with a yummy blond telecommunications lobbyist, and besides, that was eight years ago. Even if he didn't do it, he won't do it again. Besides, the story was in the New York Times, so it doesn't count.
Not only that, the lobbyist is definitely of the female persuasion, and if you're a Republican or even a conservative you have to be grateful for that much in Washington, circa 2008.
Both the senator and the lady lobbyist say there was no romance, no hanky-panky, no lurid trysts, no attempt to trade favors for a favor for a lobbyist's client, and that's probably good enough for nearly everybody else. The senator is, after all, the scourge of K Street, where every defeated pol yearns to land after voters throw him out of office, to collect the big lobbying bucks. He voted against the lady's clients on several occasions.
The New York Times, like the rest of the media, is hardly interested in the morality of anyone's playing around on a mere spouse. The culture long ago rendered philandering harmless fun, and anyone measuring anyone against any standard as ridiculously quaint (except that you wink your eye at a pretty girl at your own risk). The New York Times attempted to employ the scam of the carnival midway to lure the suckers into a story about greed and avarice but offered no evidence of greed and avarice. No letters, no e-mail, no recording of pillow talk. But sex sells with such efficiency, as any tabloid rewrite man could tell you, that even the accusation of something steamy fools the unwary reader. This is not Abe Rosenthal's New York Times.
From the February 7 Wall Street Journal article:
A big test of Sen. McCain's outreach to the Republican Party base comes today, when he will speak to the Conservative Political Action Conference, an annual Washington gathering of the right's leading activists, theorists and politicians. Last year Sen. McCain skipped the conference while other Republican candidates came courting, reflecting his campaign's fear that the conservatives would give him a hostile reception. Many conservatives took it as a snub.
Now, with the nomination in sight, the McCain campaign is showing up -- but not exactly bending to hard-core conservatives. "There are some specific issues they consider constitutional issues -- like campaign finance [limits] -- that they just disagree with Sen. McCain," senior adviser Charlie Black said yesterday aboard the McCain campaign plane. But, he added, "When they understand, 'OK, there's nothing else we can do; it's McCain versus Clinton or Obama,' the huge difference will cause them to support McCain."
It's not always an easy sell. CPAC's chairman, veteran conservative activist David Keene, recently endorsed Mr. Romney. And yesterday morning, radio talk-show host Rush Limbaugh continued to lead the post-Super Tuesday lamentations of conservative broadcasters about a McCain nomination. The senator can surely work with Democrats -- because he's one of them, Mr. Limbaugh said.
While Sen. McCain's well-publicized battles with industry lobbyists are unusual for a Republican lawmaker, they also endear him to voters disgusted by the clout of special interests in Washington -- a sentiment that runs strong in this election year. That national reputation also meant Mr. Romney fell flat in his attempts to tar the senator as a Washington insider. Sen. McCain "is not well-beloved by the lobbying world, to say the least, and he's used that to his advantage," says John Feehery, a former adviser to Republican congressional leaders.
When Sen. McCain's presidential campaign began taking wing in late 2006, his run-ins with Washington establishment types were a hindrance, not a help.
Current and former associates say Rick Davis, then a top adviser and now campaign manager, assured the senator, who loathes fund raising, that he wouldn't need to solicit many donations on the phone or attend endless fund-raisers. Instead, money would flow from the Internet. It didn't, in part because of Sen. McCain's unpopular stands for the Iraq war and for giving illegal immigrants a path to citizenship. Many deep-pocketed, business-oriented Republicans kept their wallets closed.
Executives and employees from the politically active tobacco industry gave Sen. McCain's presidential campaign just $10,700 last year -- about one-tenth of what former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani got, and well below the totals of Sens. Clinton and Obama.
The once front-running campaign ran deep into debt last summer, provoking a staff shake-up and layoffs. Pundits wrote Sen. McCain's political obituary. But the senator, more comfortable as an insurgent than a front-runner anyway, fought back on a shoestring budget. After his third and biggest primary victory in Florida last month, he held fund-raisers in every big city he visited in the frenetic week of campaigning coast-to-coast for Super Tuesday -- knowing donors would want to get on the apparent winner's bandwagon.
For more information on the media's coverage of Sen. John McCain, visit Media Matters' website: http://mediamatters.org/issues_topics/john_mccain
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