Legal experts debunk conservative media's claim that health reform proposals are unconstitutional
Conservative media outlets including The Washington Times and Fox News have pushed the claim that health care reform proposals under consideration by Congress are unconstitutional. However, legal scholars -- including one who recently served as a special counsel to Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) during Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor's confirmation proceedings -- have pointed out the flaws in conservatives' arguments, including the facts that regulation of the health care sector falls under Congress' broad power to regulate interstate commerce and that Congress has repeatedly passed laws regulating health care and health insurance.
Conservative media advance claim that health care reform is unconstitutional
Fox News' senior judicial analyst Andrew Napolitano: Reform proposal is an "unconstitutional" "raw abuse of power." In a Wall Street Journal op-ed, Napolitano -- a former New Jersey Superior Court judge -- wrote:
The Supreme Court finally came to its senses when it invalidated a congressional ban on illegal guns within 1,000 feet of public schools. In United States v. Lopez (1995), the Court ruled that the Commerce Clause may only be used by Congress to regulate human activity that is truly commercial at its core and that has not traditionally been regulated by the states. The movement of illegal guns from one state to another, the Court ruled, was criminal and not commercial at its core, and school safety has historically been a state function.
Applying these principles to President Barack Obama's health-care proposal, it's clear that his plan is unconstitutional at its core. The practice of medicine consists of the delivery of intimate services to the human body. In almost all instances, the delivery of medical services occurs in one place and does not move across interstate lines. One goes to a physician not to engage in commercial activity, as the Framers of the Constitution understood, but to improve one's health. And the practice of medicine, much like public school safety, has been regulated by states for the past century.
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What we have here is raw abuse of power by the federal government for political purposes. [9/15/09]
O'Reilly dismisses legal argument as "B.S.," declares reform bill "unconstitutional." On his Fox News show, Bill O'Reilly interrupted a statement by Fox News contributor Lis Wiehl explaining why Congress has the power to pass health care reform legislation under the Commerce Clause of the Constitution and stated: "I want the audience to know, this is total B.S. This is why people hate lawyers. This is nuts." O'Reilly then said that a requirement to buy health insurance is "unconstitutional." Later in the discussion, when Fox News host Megyn Kelly brought up the Commerce Clause again, O'Reilly again interrupted, saying: "All right. I don't want to hear it. You're giving me a headache. I'm going to go on record as saying now: This is unconstitutional." [8/25/09]
Townhall columnist: Mandate that individuals purchase health insurance "would be glaringly unconstitutional." Townhall columnist Ken Klukowski, also a fellow and senior legal analyst at the American Civil Rights Union, wrote a piece for Politico stating: "The Senate Finance Committee-passed health care bill includes an 'individual mandate' that Americans must buy an insurance policy or pay a fine, an approach that tracks President Barack Obama's health care proposals. But if enacted into law, this mandate would be glaringly unconstitutional." Klukowski dismissed the Commerce Clause argument, stating: "The Commerce Clause still constrains federal action, even though in the past seven decades only two laws have been struck down on Commerce Clause grounds, in 1995 and 2000. We don't see the courts use this provision often because even on its worst day, Congress usually doesn't go on an insane, socialist spending spree. (Well, until lately.)" [10/20/09]
Wash. Times: "Constitutionality of health overhaul questioned." In an October 28 article, Washington Times chief political correspondent Donald Lambro wrote an article headlined "Constitutionality of health overhaul questioned." Lambro wrote: "On top of all the other obstacles facing President Obama in his quest to pass health reform is this one: Does the U.S. Constitution allow the government to require uninsured Americans to buy medical insurance or impose a tax penalty if they refuse?" Lambro cited six attorneys or law professors affiliated with the conservative Federalist Society or libertarian Cato Institute arguing that the proposal is unconstitutional. Lambro cited two law professors defending the constitutionality of the proposal. [10/28/09]
Fox News' Jarrett advances claim that health care bill is unconstitutional. On the October 25 edition of Fox News' America's News HQ, host Gregg Jarrett asked Rep. Rob Andrews (D-NJ): "As you know, Congress -- and you're a lawyer -- Congress has authority in the Constitution to levy taxes, to regulate interstate commerce. Where in Article 1, Section 8 or, in fact, anywhere in the Constitution, is the federal government given the power to regulate people simply because they exist? Because that's what the Senate version would do." When Andrews stated that the Commerce Clause does indeed give Congress the power to regulate health care, Jarrett cited a Washington Post op-ed by two attorneys who served in the Justice Department under Presidents Reagan and George H.W. Bush arguing that an individual mandate would be unconstitutional:
JARRETT: Well, in fact, constitutional scholars recently --
ANDREWS: Well, you know, Medicare -- well, one of them has. But you know, Gregg --
JARRETT: No, no, two of them have. And you read it.
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JARRETT: You know what I'm talking about. Their op-ed piece in The Washington Post. And what they said is --
ANDREWS: Can we -- can we have a little fair and balanced here for just a second?
JARRETT: This is unconstitutional. You can't require people to do that. Driving a car is different.
ANDREWS: OK. Can we have a little -- just, just, just --
JARRETT: That's a voluntary activity that can be regulated by states.
ANDREWS: Can we have just a minute of fair and balanced, just as an exception here. That Medicare was challenged on the same basis, and it withstood constitutional challenge, Gregg. I think this will too. [10/25/09]
Legal scholars debunk claim that reform bill is unconstitutional
Law professor Kerr, who advised Cornyn, declares Napolitano's argument "weak" and "filled with so many errors." George Washington University law professor Orin Kerr, who served as Cornyn's special counsel for the Sotomayor confirmation proceedings, wrote a blog post stating: "Once in a while I come across an op-ed filled with so many errors, misstatements, and plainly weak claims that the mere number of those becomes far more interesting than the argument of the op-ed itself. A case in point is today's Wall Street Journal op-ed by Fox News Channel senior judicial analyst Andrew P. Napolitano, which argues that President Obama's health care proposals are unconstitutional because they exceed the commerce clause power. Here's an excerpt; how many errors, misstatements, and plainly weak claims can you count?" After quoting two paragraphs from Napolitano's piece, Kerr stated: "There are also errors by omission, like the curious decision to ignore Gonzales v. Raich, but I think it's only sporting to stick to claims actually made." [10/17/09]
Constitutional expert Chemerinsky: Constitutionality of reform proposals supported by "unbroken line of precedents stretching back 70 years." In an October 23 Politico piece responding to Klukowski, University of California, Irvine law professor Erwin Chemerinsky stated, "Under an unbroken line of precedents stretching back 70 years, Congress has the power to regulate activities that, taken cumulatively, have a substantial effect on interstate commerce." Chemerinsky further stated:
Those opposing health care reform are increasingly relying on an argument that has no legal merit: that the health care reform legislation would be unconstitutional. There is, of course, much to debate about how to best reform America's health care system. But there is no doubt that bills passed by House and Senate committees are constitutional.
Some who object to the health care proposals claim that they are beyond the scope of congressional powers. Specifically, they argue that Congress lacks the authority to compel people to purchase health insurance or pay a tax or a fine.
Congress clearly could do this under its power pursuant to Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution to regulate commerce among the states. The Supreme Court has held that this includes authority to regulate activities that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce. In the area of economic activities, "substantial effect" can be found based on the cumulative impact of the activity across the country. For example, a few years ago, the Supreme Court held that Congress could use its commerce clause authority to prohibit individuals from cultivating and possessing small amounts of marijuana for personal medicinal use because marijuana is bought and sold in interstate commerce. [10/23/09]
Yale Law professor Amar debunks arguments that reform is a "taking." According to Slate.com's Timothy Noah, Yale law professor Akhil Reed Amar and Fordham Law School dean William Treanor debunked conservatives' argument that the individual mandate could be considered a "taking" in violation of the Fifth Amendment:
[A]ccording to Akhil Reed Amar, who teaches constitutional law at Yale, the case law does not support [Peter] Urbanowicz and [Dennis] Smith [both formerly of the Department of Health and Human Services]. "A taking is paradigmatically singling out an individual," Amar explains. The individual mandate (despite its name) applies to everybody. Also, "takings are paradigmatically about real property. They're about things." The individual mandate requires citizens to fork over not their houses or their automobiles but their money. Finally, Amar points out, the individual mandate does not result in the state taking something without providing compensation. The health insurance that citizens must purchase is compensation. In exchange for paying a premium, the insurer pledges (at least in theory) to pay some or all doctor and hospital bills should the need arise for medical treatment. The individual mandate isn't a taking, Amar argues. It's a tax.
But how can it be a tax if the money is turned over not to the government but to a private insurance company? William Treanor, dean of Fordham Law School and an expert on takings, repeated much of Amar's analysis to me (like Amar, he thinks a takings-based argument would never get anywhere), but instead of a tax he compared the individual mandate to the federal law mandating a minimum wage. Congress passes a law that says employers need to pay a certain minimum amount not to the government but to any person they hire. "The beneficiaries of that are private actors," Treanor explained. But it's allowed under the commerce clause. "Minimum wage law is constitutional." So, too, then, is the individual mandate.
Yale Law professor Balkin debunks claim that Tenth Amendment prohibits reform. Responding to the arguments that health care reform violates the Tenth Amendment -- which reserves all power not delegated to the federal government to the states or the people -- Yale law professor Jack Balkin has noted that "the safeguards of federalism are political," not judicial, and that state governors do not have the power to nullify federal laws or "violate federal laws or interfere with federal employees."















It's called grasping at straws.
That would be like trying to solve public transportation problems by forcing everyone to buy a car! It's like, 'yeah, OK...that'll do it, I guess."
All of these learned rebuttals to the criticism of the individual mandate, too, are faulty, because they describe situations in which there is some kind of basic opt-out possibility on the part of the individual. Drivers can decide not to drive, businesses can decide not to employ, and thus they are exempt from the taxes or "takings" allowable under the Commerce Clause.
But that's no parallel with the insurance mandate. There ain't NO way you can get out of it. So there's no comparison with these examples-- they are faulty, as we shall see when an eager, right-wing SCOTUS tosses out the Mandate. It's inevitable.
It's constitutional.
And let us know when you have legal expertise. Right now you haven't demonstrated that you have it.
The problem is that none of the precedents being used by defenders of the Mandate address the basic issue-- which is that citizens are not given any opt-out possibilities. Every single cited precedent describes a situation where once someone decides to engage in an activity-- smoking marijuana, say-- the Commerce Clause can kick in to govern their behavior here, economic or otherwise. But they are still given an ultimate choice in the matter.
And as one commenter correctly pointed out here, the non-economic considerations are being scrutinized by conservative courts these days. So that's a double-whammy for Mandate defenders.
And besides, the individual mandate is also a Mickey Mouse solution to health care in the U.S.
But since when has any government entity ever required people to actually buy something from the private sector, with no opt-out possibility? Car insurance is not comparable, because no one is forcing everyone to buy it.
Prediction? The Roberts court will void this. And this mandate is a looser for Dems just politically. It will be DOA.
Before you spout off nonsense, you should know what you're talking about.
Each of the legal analogies used to defend the Mandate has at their core some kind of citizen right to opt-out of the condition in the first place. But not so health insurance.
It's a huge difference, and again, why aren't most liberals questioning the absurdity of trying to solve health care problems by forcing everyone buy insurance? It kind of begs the bigger question, doesn't it? It's a real Micky Mouse solution.
but instead of a tax he compared the individual mandate to the federal law mandating a minimum wage. Congress passes a law that says employers need to pay a certain minimum amount not to the government but to any person they hire. "The beneficiaries of that are private actors," Treanor explained. But it's allowed under the commerce clause. "Minimum wage law is constitutional." So, too, then, is the individual mandate.
Nope, it's not the same. Bad analogy-- it's inapt. Reason? No business is ever required to hire an employee. Many do not.
Lopez is an excellent case in point. Before that case reached the S. Court, I wonder how many legal scholars thought they "debunked" the petitioners' claim that that law was unconstitutional. What were Chereminsky's views then. ..? Congress certainly thought it had the authority to enact the 'gun free schools act' under the commerce clause. That was a 5-4 decision. Since then, the Court lost Rehnquist and O'Connor, who were in the majority, but picked up Alito and Roberts. The present court likely would have ruled the same way.
Compelling people to purchase health insurance has nothing to do with the "channels" or "instrumentalities" of interstate commerce, and it's arguable whether it has a "substantial relation" to interstate commerce. With the present composition of the court, it's simply stupid, yet typical, of the sheep at mediamatters to claim the argument has been debunked
But it's whatever really. If Republicans had a competing plan, as they promised they would back in June, you could have something to stand for instead of merely standing against the Dem plan.
You have nothing and should be ashamed that your party has no frickin' clue haw to quell our healthcare emergency.
Language in every recent S. Court commerce clause decision demonstrates the court's increasing reluctance toward applying the "substantial relation" test to punish or control the non-economic, intrastate, activity of individuals, regardless of whether it has a substantial effect on interstate commerce.
In view of the language contained in the recent opinions, it's not unreasonable to conclude that an individual's decision to refrain from purchasing something does not bear a sufficient relationship to commerce, so as to invoke the substantial relationship test and bring this activity of omission under congress' power.
To hold otherwise could surely create a slippery slope in various respects. So as I indicated, and in reference to the drift of the present court, it's utterly asinine to say the argument has been debunked. Congress put forward a plethora of evidence in Morrison relating to the effect that the activity in that case (violence against women) had on interstate commerce. But because the activity wasn't directly economic in character, the court held the commerce clause, and the substantial effect test, was inapplicable. There's clearly a trend toward narrowly defining what constitutes economic activity and to circumscribe congress' power to regulate intrastate activity under the CC,. .. and punishing someone for refusing to purchase something may not fit the bill
So, again, all evidence indicates that the effect of an annual $40+ billion in uncompensated care on the economy is a conspicuously substantial relation to interstate commerce, and therefore it is irrefutably within Congress' authority to mandate that individuals carry an instrument to mitigate that economic burden.
This is well above your demonstrated capabilities!
Nonetheless, for the reasons stated above, I don't believe the opposing argument has been debunked. It's clear that the court has a renewed focus on the specific character of the activity over which congress seeks to exercise its power to regulate interstate commerce. In contrast to the articles referenced above, I disagree that this is a settled area of law, and believe that the conservatives on the court are straining to interpret the New Deal precedent in a much more restrictive manner . . . . Cheremensky et al. have a expansive interpretation of the commerce clause. His views are diametrically opposed to scalia and thomas, and likely opposed to alito and roberts.
My reading of the cases is that the conservatives on the court scoff at the idea that an individual's non-commercial conduct can be regulated under the commerce clause. They've been inching toward making this a majority view, and wouldn't be entirely surprised if they prevail.
In any event, I was only screwing around with Dolly in my last post, who was addressing me in her comment. . .
What this Court does and what this Court should do, considering precedent, are discrete and irreconcilable, I think. If it were politically feasible, I'd urge the Senate to impeach Roberts and Alito, but that can't happen for the obvious reasons.
What's the matter DumbDolly, did you misplace your phonix book?
So the government making people get health insurance violates their right to control how they want to spend their own money.
Well, government can always control many expenditures, so that's not a defense. What's different about the individual mandate-- and what its defenders don't want to admit-- is that people are not given any control on how they can possibly waive the situation that triggers the requirement.
All of the comparisons being made to justify the Commerce Clause application-- like smoking marijuana, getting a driver's license, driving a car, owning a car, Social Security, or being required to pay for any number of things-- ignores the fact that in each of these cases the individual is not ultimately required to participate in the trigger. SS can even be opted out of just by refusing to work very much.
So can defenders of the Mandate point to any precedent where individuals are required to spend money on private sector goods or services without any possibility of exemption? None at all? Nothing within their own volition?
Didn't think so.
That's why the Roberts court is going to throw it out, beyond the current trend to restrain the Commerce Clause, which is a correct reading of where the law's going in this area, BTW, whether liberals like it or not.
"Boburell debunks MMFA's article about legal experts debunking conservative media's constitutional arguement". There should be a lot of debunking. You know, people and articles and blogs getting debunked and re-debunked. it would be a lot of fun.