The many, many conflicting and shifting defenses of Trump's Ukraine scandal from right-wing media
Here are 59 of them
Written by Parker Molloy
Published
By now, it’s apparent that right-wing media outlets are taking a “Gish Gallop” approach of overloading their audiences with a flood of factually dubious arguments to defend Donald Trump through his impeachment inquiry, and that’s made for an exhausting and confusing couple of months. Conservative commentators have staked out virtually every imaginable position on Trump’s Ukraine scandal -- provided those positions all conclude that Trump didn’t do anything wrong, of course.
For instance, Fox & Friends co-host Steve Doocy might say, “If the president said, I will give you the money but you have got to investigate Joe Biden, that is really off-the-rails wrong,” and the very next day instead offer that “no president in American history has been better prepared for an impeachment inquiry than Donald Trump."
The goal of Trump defenders, as has been a running theme throughout the Trump presidency, is to rig arguments in his favor. As one defense falls, another takes its place. If Trump is accused of something, his defenders will call it “fake news.” Once enough evidence mounts to make the “fake news” argument seem silly, his defenders will seamlessly pivot to claims that it’s actually fine that the accusation was true.
Their defenses don’t always make sense. They’re often not even grounded in fact, and they don’t even need to be in order to be successful. But it’s helpful to understand what those defenses are. Below is a collection of arguments made in Trump’s defense since September 19, five days before House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced a formal impeachment inquiry:
September narratives:
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The whistleblower complaint is probably “just pure nonsense, bunkum.”
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The media is covering the whistleblower story only to distract from the economy.
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The whistleblower complaint is essentially based on a rumor.
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Even if Trump offered Ukraine a quid pro quo, “it would not be a crime.”
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The world is “less safe” because of “coup-driven Democrats.”
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The whistleblower rules were recently and suspiciously changed.
October narratives:
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Some State Department witnesses might have been appointed by former President Barack Obama.
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Calling on other countries to investigate political opponents is actually a good thing.
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The scandal doesn’t “seem very shocking.” It’s the media’s fault.
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Ignore any future whistleblowers because we have a transcript, and the transcript is fine.
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“Abuse of power” is not impeachable because it’s “not anywhere in the Constitution.”
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The inquiry “lacks the necessary authorization” unless the House votes on a resolution.
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There’s “no question” the Ukraine scandal “starts with Obama.”
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This is just “partisan politics,” unlike the impeachment of former President Bill Clinton.
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The whistleblower’s past contact with Biden discredits the report.
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The impeachment inquiry is “an abuse of power” by House Democrats.
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Russia didn’t hack the Democratic National Committee’s emails in 2016 and the server might actually be in Ukraine.
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Former Ukraine Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch spied on conservatives.
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Acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney was mistaken when he admitted to a quid pro quo.
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“There hasn't even been a hint of scandal” with Trump as president.
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U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Bill Taylor’s testimony proves there was no quid pro quo.
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The impeachment inquiry is actually just the “revenge of the globalists.”
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Quid pro quo with Ukraine is OK because Trump is a “disrupter.”
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The House’s vote on an impeachment resolution actually makes the process “more corrupt.”
November narratives:
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“This quid pro quo, if it actually was completed -- which it wasn’t -- was a good thing.”
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Removing Trump from office “would blow a hole of legitimacy in the center of our national politics.”
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The whistleblower complaint contains “factual errors,” tainting the whole process.
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Trump didn’t commit an impeachable offense because his attempt failed.