Case: Food and Drug Administration v. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists
Status: Pending petition before the Supreme Court
Impact: In August, health care providers, including the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, petitioned the court to continue the injunction put in place stopping the FDA from enforcing the numerous burdensome requirements for the distribution of medication abortion during the coronavirus pandemic. As the American Civil Liberties Union explained, “The FDA has continued to enforce those requirements, including one in particular — the in-person dispensing requirement — that puts patients’ health and lives at risk as a condition of obtaining abortion and miscarriage care.” With another conservative justice on the court, the FDA’s requirements will likely stay in place and continue to put patients in harm’s way, even though medication abortion can be easily administered via telemedicine.
Case: Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization
Status: Pending petition before the Supreme Court
Impact: This case concerns an 15-week abortion ban passed by Mississippi in 2018 in the hopes of bringing a challenge to Roe v. Wade before the court. Banning abortion at 15 weeks is currently unconstitutional under Roe, but Trump’s court would likely uphold this law, which will then lead to a cascade of states passing earlier and complete bans without the Roe framework in place.
Cases: SisterSong Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective v. Kemp; Little Rock Family Planning Services v. Rutledge; Bryant v. Woodall
Status: Before the 11th, 8th, and 4th Circuit Courts of Appeals
Impact: These cases concern a six-week abortion ban in Georgia, an 18-week ban in Arkansas, and a 20-week abortion ban in North Carolina, respectively. The conservative majority on the Supreme Court would likely uphold these laws and chip away at Roe.
Cases: Memphis Center for Reproductive Health v. Slatery; Reproductive Health Services v. Parson
Status: Before the 6th and 8th Circuit Courts of Appeals
Impact: The Memphis Center for Reproductive Health case involves a Tennessee law that “bans abortion at six, eight, ten, twelve, fifteen, eighteen, twenty, twenty-one, twenty-two, twenty-three, and twenty-four weeks of pregnancy.” As the Tennessean explained, “If the courts strike down the six-week ban, the legislation goes on to automatically enact abortion bans in conjunction with the detection of a fetal heartbeat at” each subsequent week indicator. As Ms. Magazine wrote, “Multiple lawmakers in Tennessee have made it clear one of the goals of the bill is to bring a court case to the Supreme Court in the hopes of overturning Roe v. Wade.” A Tennessee state senator stated “that the bill will create ‘multiple shots’ for Tennessee to bring the case to the Supreme Court.” Similarly, in Reproductive Health Services, the Missouri law at the center of this case “bans abortions after eight, fourteen, eighteen, and twenty weeks of pregnancy,” with each ban being enacted if the previous earlier ban fails.
Cases: Whole Woman’s Health v. Paxton; Hopkins v. Jegley
Status: Before the 5th and 8th Circuit Courts of Appeals
Impact: Paxton is a “challenge to a Texas law that bans the use of the dilation and evacuation (D&E) abortion procedure, the most common abortion procedure used after sixteen weeks of pregnancy.” Trump’s new Supreme Court justice will likely vote to ban this procedure — the safest type of second-trimester abortion — and ensure more risky abortions. Hopkins concerns an Arkansas law that would also ban the D&E abortion procedure.
Case: Planned Parenthood of Southwest Ohio v. Acton
Status: Before the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals
Impact: This Ohio law would ban abortions “if a provider learns the reason for seeking abortion services is a diagnosis of Down syndrome.” As the ACLU’s Susan Mizner and Alexa Kolbi-Molinas explained for The Hill in 2019, “Proponents of these bans claim that their goal is to protect the rights of people with disabilities. Such attempts to co-opt the mantle of disability rights to ban abortion are not only hypocritical but also deeply offensive.” In addition, as Politico noted, “A provider who performed such an abortion would face felony charges.” The court voting to uphold this law would serve as another strike at abortion access and make doctors afraid to provide abortions at all.
Case: Gee v. Planned Parenthood Gulf Coast
Status: Before the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals
Impact: This case concerns Louisiana’s “inaction” in granting an abortion license to a clinic in New Orleans. The failure to grant the license is based on a favorite right-wing media myth that Planned Parenthood “profited from sales of fetal tissue for medical research.” Currently, Louisiana has three clinics -- a new conservative justice would be unlikely to rule in this case that the state needed another.
Case: EMW Women’s Surgical Center v. Meier
Status: Before the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals
Impact: This case concerns a Kentucky law that puts unnecessary requirements on abortion clinics to have “agreements with local ambulance services and hospitals to transport and admit patients in the event of a complication.” As Politico explained, the abortion providers argue “that abortion-related complications that require hospitalization are extremely rare and the ambulances and hospitals are already required to care for patients in an emergency.” Barrett ruling for the state in this case would likely mean that the only abortion clinic in Kentucky would have to close, which was the likely intent of this law.
Case: Whole Woman’s Health v. Smith
Status: Before the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals
Impact: This Texas law requires the burial or cremation of fetal tissue. As Rewire News Group wrote, the “intent” of the law “is crystal clear: to help advance fetal ‘personhood’ across the country, even incrementally, as a way to recriminalize abortion.” Barrett would likely recognize “fetal personhood” with this case, which not only would undo Roe, but may also make it “unconstitutional for any state to allow abortions at all.” This outcome would ensure only illegal abortion access in the United States.
Case: Planned Parenthood of Indiana & Kentucky v. Box
Status: Before the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals
Impact: At issue in this case is an Indiana parental consent law that “would have required every female under 18 to have at least one parent's written permission to end a pregnancy” and removed any means of obtaining a judicial bypass. In 2017, the American Academy of Pediatrics wrote that “legislation mandating parental involvement does not achieve the intended benefit of promoting family communication, and it increases the risk of harm to the adolescent by delaying access to appropriate medical care.”
Case: Reproductive Health Services v. Bailey
Status: Before the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals
Impact: This Alabama case is about judicial bypass proceedings for minors seeking abortions. The law in question “ allows judges to appoint an advocate for the fetus to question the young woman in such court hearings about ‘the negative consequences of undergoing an abortion.’”
Case: Planned Parenthood of Indiana & Kentucky v. Commissioner of the Indiana State Department of Health
Status: Before the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals
Impact: The 2018 Indiana law at question in this case “requires health providers to submit a report to the state when” anyone having an abortion experiences “a wide range of health conditions.” As the ACLU explained, “The lawsuit asserts that the law violates due process and equal protection by singling out abortion procedures and requiring invasive reporting.” In addition, physicians are targeted with “criminal penalties and possible jail time” if they do not report.
Case: Roe v. Wade
Status: Resolved; at risk
Impact: The Supreme Court decided Roe in 1973 and established the right to abortion as a matter of privacy under the Constitution. A 6-3 majority court would likely overturn Roe, which will result in immediate bans in states with “trigger” laws and an avalanche of other states passing bans or first or second trimester abortion bans. While the court normally gives deference to a decision like Roe that was decided long ago, and people have relied on its presence, Barrett and the conservative majority would likely not view Roe in this way. As Alliance for Justice wrote, Roe was not included in Barrett’s “discussion of ‘superprecedents,’ or cases that have gained such widespread support in society that they should not be revisited.”