In a November 13 column headlined “The Character Factor,” New York Times columnist David Brooks wrote of covering Sen. John McCain (R-AZ): “He won't tell you everything, but there will never be a moment as the hours stretch by when you feel that he is spinning you, lying to himself or insulting your intelligence.” Brooks continued: “Telling the truth is a skill. Those who don't do it habitually lose the ability, but McCain is well-practiced and has the capacity to face unpleasant truths.” In citing examples of McCain's “capacity to face unpleasant truths,” Brooks wrote that “McCain led the charge against [convicted lobbyist] Jack Abramoff.” In fact, as Media Matters for America noted, as chairman of the Indian Affairs Committee, McCain reportedly steered the Abramoff investigation away from examining any potential wrongdoing by his Republican colleagues. According to a March 10, 2005, report by Roll Call, McCain assured then-Sen. Conrad Burns (R-MT) and Sen. David Vitter (R-LA) they would not be caught up in the investigation into how Abramoff bilked $82 million from the American Indian tribes he represented, stating, “We stop when we find out where the money went.”

Brooks also asserted in the column that "[w]hile others ignored the spending binge, McCain was among the fiscal hawks." But while McCain originally opposed the 2003 Bush tax cuts on fiscal policy grounds -- claiming that they would exacerbate the deficit -- he subsequently voted to extend them.

On the Senate floor on March 18, 2003, McCain said Bush's tax cuts should wait “until we have succeeded in Iraq, and until we have some idea of what percentage of the costs of the aftermath of those hostilities we have to bear”:

However, while I don't foreclose future consideration of a tax cut to stimulate the economy, no one can be expected to make an informed decision on fiscal policy at this time with so many uncertain contingencies possibly on the horizon, and with the near, mid- and long-term costs of defending this country unknown and presently unknowable. Let us wait until we have succeeded in Iraq, and until we have some idea of what percentage of the costs of the aftermath of those hostilities we will have to bear.

Further, on the May 22, 2003, edition of CNBC's Capital Report, McCain told host Gloria Borger that the 2003 tax cut “makes a mockery out of the whole budgetary process”:

BORGER: Let -- let's -- let's take a look at exactly what is in the president's bill. First of all, as you were saying, it costs $350 billion. It also has a -- a dividend tax cut, a capital gains tax cut and an accelerated child tax credit, but I might add both the dividend tax cut and the capital gains reduction expire in 2008, so that means they would come back. Is that a gimmick? I mean ...

McCAIN: No, they -- they -- they -- it's a -- it's a gimmick. You know, I heard somebody today say that w-- of the 80-some temporary tax provisions, only three have ever really been allowed to expire. But the problem with that is it's gimmickry. It makes a mockery out of the whole budgetary process as to what our estimates of deficits or surpluses are. And we're already running a $300 billion deficit this year, and many of us estimate it's going to go much, much higher.

McCain later told Borger: "[W]e're going to spend a lot more, so shouldn't we at least get a handle on those expenses and say maybe in September we could perhaps propose a tax cut?"

But when Congress reconsidered Bush's 2003 capital gains tax cuts in 2006, McCain voted with his Senate Republican colleagues to extend them for five years. When asked during the April 2, 2006, broadcast of NBC's Meet the Press why he changed his mind on the tax cuts, McCain replied: “I do not believe in tax increases. Now, it was a gimmick that was -- that the tax cuts were temporary and then had to be made permanent. The tax cuts are now there and voting to revoke them would have been to -- not to extend them would have meant a tax increase.”

The media have routinely described McCain as “honest,” “authentic,” and a “straight-talker,” despite the fact that he has made contradictory statements or otherwise equivocated on a variety of issues, such as the Iraq war, Christian conservatives, ethanol, tax cuts for the wealthy, the Confederate flag, and abortion rights, as Media Matters for America has documented (see here, here, here, and here).

From Brooks' November 13 New York Times column:

Eight years ago, it was fashionable for us media types to wax rapturously about McCain. That vogue has passed, but I'm afraid my views are unchanged. I have seen McCain when his campaign was imploding, and now again when he's rising in the polls. I have seen him shooting craps and negotiating in the Senate. I have seen him leading delegations like a statesman and bickering with his old Hanoi Hilton prison-mate Bud Day like a crotchety old lady.

And I can tell you there is nobody in politics remotely like him.

The first thing that still strikes one about McCain is his energy. In his book, “The Nightingale's Song,” Robert Timberg runs through primal force metaphors to describe the young McCain. “Being on liberty with John McCain was like being in a train wreck,” Timberg wrote.

[...]

He analyzed the debates he won and the times he was wooden. He talked about his failures as a fund-raiser and said he'd like to pick a running mate with formal economics training because he's weak in that area. He won't tell you everything, but there will never be a moment as the hours stretch by when you feel that he is spinning you, lying to himself or insulting your intelligence.

Telling the truth is a skill. Those who don't do it habitually lose the ability, but McCain is well-practiced and has the capacity to face unpleasant truths. While other conservatives failed to see how corporations were insinuating themselves into their movement, McCain went after Boeing contracts. While others failed to see the rising tide of corruption around them, McCain led the charge against Jack Abramoff. While others ignored the spending binge, McCain was among the fiscal hawks.

There have been occasions when McCain compromised his principles for political gain, but he was so bad at it that it always backfired. More often, he is driven by an ancient sense of honor, which is different from fame and consists of the desire to be worthy of the esteem of posterity.